The Cliff of Three Tongues
Henry Rawlinson and the Cuneiform Trilingual of Behistun
Three hundred feet up a limestone precipice at Mount Behistun in western Persia, British cavalry officer Henry Creswicke Rawlinson dangled from ropes above a vertical drop in the summer of 1835. Before him, chiseled into a smoothed rock face twenty-five feet high and fifty feet wide, stood a massive bas-relief carved in 520 BCE by order of the Achaemenid emperor Darius the Great. The sculpture showed Darius placing his foot on the chest of the defeated usurper Gaumata while nine bound rebel kings stood roped together. Surrounding the figures were over a thousand lines of wedge-shaped cuneiform script arranged in three parallel columns. A coat of siliceous varnish had preserved every chisel stroke for twenty-three centuries.
Unlike Egyptian hieroglyphs—which Jean-François Champollion decoded in 1822 using the Greek text on the Rosetta Stone—Mesopotamian cuneiform had died out by the first century CE without leaving a single bilingual Greek or Latin inscription. For two millennia, travelers walking the mounds of Nineveh, Babylon, and Persepolis stared at clay tablets covered in bird-track wedges. Nobody knew whether the marks were letters, ideograms, or floral ornaments. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, European visitors Pietro della Valle and Carsten Niebuhr copied short inscriptions from Persepolis. Their transcripts showed that the carvings always grouped three wedge systems together. The first was a simpler script of forty-two signs (Old Persian). The second was a middle script of over a hundred signs (Elamite). The third was a script of over five hundred characters (Babylonian Akkadian).
In 1802, German teacher Georg Friedrich Grotefend in Göttingen made the first crack in the simplest script. Inspecting Niebuhr's copies of two Persepolis doorway inscriptions where diagonal wedges divided words, Grotefend noticed a recurring royal formula: [Name A], [Title], [Title] of [Title]s, son of [Name B]. Comparing the Achaemenid kings recorded by Herodotus, Grotefend looked for father-and-son rulers whose names were roughly the same length. Moreover, the father of the first king did not carry the royal title himself. Cyrus and Cambyses failed because both names began with the same letter, whereas the cuneiform names began with different signs. That left Hystaspes (a non-king), his son Darius, and his grandson Xerxes. Grotefend slotted in a dozen phonetic values, but he lacked long texts and Iranian philology, so his work stalled.
Stationed at Kermanshah in 1835, Rawlinson realized that the Behistun cliff was the Rosetta Stone of Mesopotamia. Returning between 1835 and 1837 with ladders bridged across eighteen-inch ledges, Rawlinson copied the Old Persian columns into his notebooks. Because Darius's proclamation listed dozens of rebellious provinces and generals across the empire—Babylon, Assyria, Media, Armenia, and Bactria—Rawlinson possessed nearly a hundred proper names. He cross-checked their phonetic spellings against Greek historians, the Zoroastrian Avesta studied by Eugène Burnouf, and classical Sanskrit:
- - Slot-Matching the Royal Genealogy: Applying the dynastic template to the opening lines of Behistun, Rawlinson isolated the Old Persian phoneme chains for Hystaspes (Vi-i-sh-ta-a-s-pa), Darius (Da-a-ra-ya-va-u-sh), and Xerxes (Kha-sha-ya-a-r-sha). That step recovered the 42-sign Old Persian semi-alphabetic syllabary, in which consonants carried inherent vowel affinities (a, i, or u).
- - Comparative Indo-Iranian Grammar: Once proper names yielded the phonetic values of all forty-two signs, Rawlinson translated the vocabulary by matching Old Persian roots and case endings against Sanskrit and Avestan cognates. He proved that khshayathiya (king, source of modern shah) corresponded to Sanskrit kshatriya, and bumi (earth) matched Sanskrit bhumi.
- - Cracking Polyvalent Babylonian: Returning to Behistun in 1844 and 1847, Rawlinson hired a Kurdish boy who wedged wooden pegs into rock crevices above a chasm. Swinging across on a rope cradle, the boy beat wet sheets of paper into the stone to lift molds of the 112-line Babylonian column. Comparing that column against his Old Persian translation, Rawlinson and Irish clergyman Edward Hincks proved that Babylonian Akkadian was a Semitic language akin to Hebrew and Arabic. Its logosyllabic script used wedge signs as both ideograms and polyvalent syllables (kur, mat, shat).
In May 1857, the Royal Asiatic Society in London sealed Rawlinson, Hincks, Julius Oppert, and William Henry Fox Talbot in separate rooms with an unpublished cuneiform prism of the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser I. When their four independent translations matched line for line, Mesopotamian philology passed its decisive blind test.